Magister H Beringois

An investigation into ThULB Jena: Ms.G.B.f.18a (Bl. 123va-b)

by Jamie Acutt — Posted on 2nd September, 2014 ( | words)

The Ms.G.B.f.18a is a manuscript currently catalogued and held in the Thüringer Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Jena (ThULB), and is believed to date to the early 15th century (between 1416-1444 according to the museum estimate). Within its pages may be found a single-page fechtlehre, comprising of an account of a fight-lore, recognisable as a fragment of the “Liechtenauer zettel”.

This account is not listed within common bibliographies relating to Fencing produced by Thimm (1896), Wierchin (1965), Hils (1985) et al, and so it appears to be a new addition to the existing zettel Corpus.

The Discovery

I discovered this manuscript whilst pursuing the HEMA Roadmap (Data Reconciliation, 5.0) to "Seek new data-sets (sources)". My philosophy which I maintained during this process might be summarised as follows:

"Whilst there remains any single source unstudied, there remains the potential for the entire subject to be revised or reframed more accurately. There remains the possibility of a holy-grail text which explains the topic in a way more accessible to the modern mind."

I received the manuscript from the University Library on 16th February 2012, having enquired a few days prior. I kept the manuscript in my possession for about 6 months without announcing it to anyone. Once I had gotten the time to analyse it, I shared it with a few trusted scholars who helped me to further perfect my study of it. When I had done enough study on it, I began to discuss it more openly as my assessment reached maturity. My final paper was published Sun Dec 02, 2012 2:43 pm. With edits, approval from the library as well, the process had taken overall nearly 10 months' work.

The paper was not without its flaws, as the subsequent criticism on Facebook revealed - unfortunately where I was unable to respond, nor even aware of such criticisms. These criticisms focussed substantially upon the reference made to him potentially having been French (though I was certainly not the first to describe this idea), as well as a few transcription inaccuracies. Kleinau has offered a number of corrections on the matter, as published on his own blog.

The article here a) corrects the known inaccuracies, b) justifies some of my decisions in my original paper which were criticised, c) offers the research which has been conducted since 2012, including historiography and stemmatology.

Will the real H beringOIS please stand up

In Germany, the surname of the author "Beringer" appears to be quite common (as Jens-Peter Kleinau reports it is still popular in the region to this day). A search of the Württemberg Deedbook (Das Württembergische Urkundenbuch Online - Landesarchiv Baden-Württemberg) demonstrates examples, both male and female of the name from as early as 1024.

Interestingly, within the Archives of the Landesarchiv Baden-Württemberg we find the record B 503 I U 424 within the Cistercian Monastery (Zisterzienserkloster) on 1311 June 25, a mention of a 'Heinrich von Bieringen'. We may also find the form "Buoringarius", in 1237. Similarly, Jens-Peter Kleinau added (private communication, 29th Dec 2012):

"The writer of the fragment uses the Latinisation declension form Beringius, from the genitive. Therefore is unclear if the named master is named Beringer or is related to one of the places named "Beryngen" like the small place Beringen (documented since 786) not far from Erfurt,Germany similar to "Nativitas magistri H. Mechliniensis" written 1280 by Henry Bate of Mechelen/Malines. So the "H. Beringois" could stand for a man coming from Beringen. Or he could be part of a noble family like the "von Beringen", e.g. there is a 'Henricus' from 'Beringen' listed as a magister in the 1303 Regesta Boica. In this case the latin genitive form of that name replaces the "von Beringen" (e.g. Konrad Beringois is also named Conradum de Beryngen or Conrad von Beringen in the 14th century)....
Given the huge number of accounts of that name it is most unlikely that this master could be identified without fail."

There is a mention of a Beringerus de Bonlant as early as 1249. In the Matriculation documents of Tübingen, we find as many as 19 characters listed sharing the surname "Beringer" from 1477 onwards. Whilst in the Matriculation documents of Rostock, we find an Hinricus Beringer added as late as 1505.

There are a number of other personalities by the name of Beringer mentioned in the Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins (1903, 9-12) and the Oberbadisches Geschlechterbuch (Band 1): A - Ha (von Knobloch: Heidelburg 1898, 59) including Herinicus Dicti Beringer, mentioned as early as 1309. Heinrich Beringer von Mellingen, Switzerland is noted on 24th Nov 1357, in the State Archives of Zurich. There is even a Beringer "civitate Bambergensi" mentioned as early as the 12th century (Jahrbücher des Vereins für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde, Band 9 (1844, 16));

Mickūnaitė (2006, 258; Making a Great Ruler: Grand Duke Vytautas of Lithuania) tells us how another Heinrich Beringer (a Carthusian monk who died in 1444) created a new custom for Prussian knights in 1428 by placing the hand at one's throat, instead of swearing on the bible, cross or sword – any of these characters may or may not potential be the attributed personality from the MS GBf.18a, but we are unable to corroborate with any certainty.

With so many potential Beringer characters, it is perhaps logical to reduce our understanding of its origin back to the document itself. Let us take a look at the clues offered to us in the MS GBf.18a.

Evidence from the Paleography

The scribe of the MS GBf.18a manuscript also used the common Benedictine script of Bastarda, used to transcribe minor works (because of its speed of production). Its form is broken, with the Fechtlehre also being written in vernacular also suggests its designation as an 'everyday' activity outside of scholastic matters.

Moreover, the dialect (Mundart) suggests a Middle Low German (mittelniederdeutsch) influence, with the use of "Glevingen"1, "of" (instead of "auf"), "god" (instead of "got"), "konstlichen" (instead of "kunstlichen"), "ord" (instead of "ort"), "van" (instead of "von") et al. This means that at least the origin of the oral dialect may have been around the ancient Duchy of Saxony. Of course, these spellings might simply be scribal, but this does point tantalisingly toward further investigation.

Full transcription (ThULB Jena: Ms.G.B.f.18a (Bl. 123va-b)), slightly modified from the 2012 paper on the discovery:

Sequitur bonus et verus modus dimican-
di magistri h Beringois pie memorie.

Jung ritt° lere god lieb haben
frauwen io ere vbe ritter s
schaff / vnde lere ding das
dich ziret und in krigē sere
hofferit iret Glebingen. sper
Swert und messer menliche
bederfen und das in andirn
handen vorderben / zorn hawe
krump twer had schiler mid
schitiler der krig 

wer obir dich hawed zorn
hawe ort deme drawed
wyrt ers ge war nyms oben
abe ane var Biß sterker wed-
der wint stich sicht ers nyms
nider Czuck de sind oben uß obir-
haybt so geyt der krieg uß
krump nicht kortz howe der
wēchsel damede shauw krump
uf behende wyrf den ord of
dye hende krump wer wol setzt
med schretn vel hauwe letzt
krump wer dich irred der edel kri-
eg dich vor wirret Twere ben-
ymbt was von himel her abe ku-
met Twere czu dem orte nym dē
hals ane fortte Schil in dem o-
bn° iß daz du wylt be dobern
Der scheyteler myt sinen kere de-
me ātlitze ist gar gewere

Hec sī cautele
Erschrigkestu gern kain fechtn
saltu nym° ge lerne In deß vor
und nach die swei ding sind aller
dīge on erspring In des vor und
nach an höite dem krige sy nicht
mach weß der krieg romet oben
ūnden werd er beschemet Hore
waz da secht yst ficht nicht lingkz
ab du recht bist und lingkest in
dem rechtn ouch here hingkest
Ich sage vor war keyn mā schutz
sich ane var hastuß vornomē

(123vb) czu slage mag er kleine komē

Von hengen
Czwei hengen nyder van beydn
handē uf von der d erdin Wer
sich vor dir zhucht abe hauw
snel daz daz er snabe hauw czu
dem fleytin den meyst° wiltu an
strechen hauw czuden phlugz czu
den ochsen hartte. vugz fuge wer
nach god hauwen der sich kunst
kleyne vreuwen haw und was du
wilt kein wesßeler kom an den
schilt wer sind vōsztin die dye lege-
re ouch sere letzin Setzt an vir
enden blyb dar uf wiltu enden vor
setzens hut dich gescict daz sere
mu°t dich Ist daz du vor satzt yß
dich wy her da her komē yst
Hore waß ich rate strigh abe snel
hauwe midde drate

Nach reysen lere trid vorbaß und
snid in dy were sprech fenstir mach
stand konlich sich syne sach one
alle var an twivel roye her gebar
In allen winden heuwe stiche snyte
lerne vinden Das saltu oben merkē
ab dye leyger snit weych oder herte
Czugke zcugket her zcugke me
er be vint arbeyt die am trid we-
ssellir zcwifagh den alden snit midde
mach .ffellir wer de sint von under
nach wonche rurt Czwifach furbaß
drid dyn hud und biß nicht laß kome
iß glichtzet obene so stradet abe daz
ger ich lobe wer uf dich stight sine
ord mit twere trift und bricht wil-
tu dich rechen vier bloße konstli-
chen brechen Oben duplire dar ūden
recht mutire vir bloße wiße So
slestu ge wisse llaß den ort hangen
Be griff den knauf wiltu midde
rangen vier sind dar snidde Czwene
unde czwene oben middē etc

Et sic est finis huius artis

Full English translation of H Beringois (ThULB Jena: Ms.G.B.f.18a (Bl. 123va-b):

Here follows Master Beringer’s (blessed memory) Good and True mode of Combat

Young knight study
to love God and to treat women with dignity2
Practice knighthood and study,
the material3 that exalts you,
and in battle truly glorifies you.
Lance4, Spear, Sword and Machete,
Manfully wield and be a threat in another’s hands.
Wrathful cuts Crumple, Across with Scalps5 has Squints.
The battle

Whoever cuts above you,
Wrathful cuts-point threatens.
Should he defend,
Take it over without risk.
Against stronger then turn the point,
if he spots that aim it low.
Pull up high overhead,
thus resolves the [trial by] battle.

Crumple not, with the shift, the short cut is evident:
Crumple up lithely, throw the point over the [his] hands:
Crumple whoever wants to position with stepping, many cuts are harmed:
Crumple who confuses you, with the noble war you confuse,
The Cross [religious overtone] escorts what comes from Heaven6,
Cross to the point to take the neck without fear,
Squint from on high, so that you will be in command,
The scalper at his angle is a threat to the face.

Here are precautions

If you’re easy to flight, never shall you learn to fight. Now, Before and After, those two things are the origin of all things. Now, Before and After into the battle, do not be last; if the battle roams up high, then down below may he be shamed.
Hear what is worst: don’t fight from the left when you are right,
since left instead of right, also hear, lags behind.
I say veritably, no man may protect himself without risk,
so you have been told - do not let him come to blows.

On the inclines [trajectories/planes]

Two inclines: down from both hands, up from the ground. Whoever pulls his blow quickly away from you, then so the master strikes at the flat firmly, at the Plough, at the Ox. He who cuts afterwards: his skill cuts with little joy [avail], and cut whatever you wish, so that no shifts [wechseler] may penetrate your defence [schilt]. Whoever does fore-stall, severely damages the Postures. Set upon the four extremities, and remain there if you wish to stop [the fight]. Guard yourself from Fore-stalling, since if it’s done to you, it is difficult to defend. Thus it is that you fore-stall, however he comes at you. Heed my advice: quickly strike cuts away [from you] with diligence.

Learn terminus (Nach rysen), tread forwards, and slice in defence. Do the ‘Speaking-Window’ to stand bravely and observe his form. Without any risk regardless of how he persists. In all rotations learn to find the cut, stab, slice. That should you note above, if the Postures are flexible or firm. Pull if he pulls, pull moreso, [then] he will work to step toward you. Shifting twofold, the Ancient Slice shall you perform. Feint who is below, afterwards flow where you want. March forward twice into your guard, and don’t be sluggish. If you clash above, then going to a stand-off I do condone. Whoever goes to strike you, hit transversely, and a break will you reckon: four openings skilfully broken. High duplicate, Low mutate – know four openings, thus you may strike with certainty. Allow the point to hang, seize the pommel so that you may grapple, four are the slices: with two low, two high, etc.

And here is the Art at an End.

Indeed, recognising this dialect was important in identifying the most likely candidate of the account.


Hinricus Beringer de Wismaria

Perhaps the most interesting 'Beringer' is Hinricus Beringer from Wismar, listed as student at Erfurt University in 1413 who not only shares the name and time-period, but also fits the place of origin as far as the dialect of the fragment is concerned. Furthermore, as we shall see, his name is listed alongside the name “Johannes Lichtenouwe” on at least one occasion.

Conducting an investigation into the life of Heinrich Beringer, we may discover the following facts about him:

  • - Beringer’s date of birth is unknown, but it is likely that he originated from Wismar, but that the StadtArchiv Wismar (StA Wismar) was unable to corroborate a date of birth7.
  • - 1413, vicar in Wismar: A Heinricus Beringer (de Wismaria) was noted as a local vicar as early as 14138.
  • - 1413, entered Erfurt University: The Mecklenburgische Jahrbücher (1887, 23) tells us that Heinrich Beringer von Wismar matriculated at Erfurt in 1413. Acten der Universitaet (Erfurt 1881, 97) confirms that in - 1413, Heinricus Beringer de Wismaria was admitted to the University of Erfurt (universitatis studii Erffordensis) under the civil-law powers invested in Christian Vorntzin, Rector and Magister in Artibus9.
  • - Beringer later immatriculated to Rostock University in 1419.
  • - Beringer is confirmed as "Magister, Kollegiatstift St. Maria ad Gradus, Köln"10 alongside a mention of St. Peterskirche (the location of the original holding of MS. G.B.f.18a).
  • -Petersen (2001, 28911) tells us:
    • 7/7/1455 – Provincial Parish-benefice in Grabow12
    • 6/11/1456. He is recorded as Parish-benefice in Grabow (Ratzeburg diocese)
    • 15/3/1459 - Pastor in Lübow (Schwerin diocese), becoming Deacon; release from compulsory attendance for study;
    • 3/4/1459 - Pastor in Lübow (Schwerin diocese)
    • 30/7-11/8/1459 - Vicar at St. Maria in Wismar, Pastor at Lübow,
    • 30/12/1460 - Provincial Canon and Prebend at the Gustrower Church College (Gustrower kollegiatskirche).
    • 6/9/1477 - noted as clericus Raceburgensis diocese.

 

We may therefore have reason to speculate as to whether Beringer brought the rhyme with him from Mecklenburg, or learnt it whilst at Erfurt. Needless to say, given that the MS. GBf.18a is believed to originate from Peterskirche in Erfurt, then we might be inclined to deduce that the recording was made circa 1416 (estimating that it would have taken approx. 3 years to achieve a Magister degree). This correlates comfortably with the date proposed by ThULB, based upon higher criticism.


Figure 1 - “Henricus Beringher” mentioned in the Matrikelbuch (6th down on the left-hand column), nr. 68 of the Wintersemester 1419/1420., as well as transcribed in Hofmeister, Adolph (1891, 2): Die Matrikel der Universität Rostock I. (Mich. 1419 - Mich. 1499) Rostock.

 

Implications

It is therefore likely that Heinrich Beringer was highly educated, and had an illustrious career in the Church. Although this deduction is suitable, it further brings into question the interpretation that H. Beringer was dead at the time of the recording based upon the blessing of the dead (pie memorie). Perhaps we might be inclined to interpret the meaning differently; perhaps as 'dutiful memory'. Indeed, it may well be possible that this 'Beringer' was the son of an older 'H. Beringer' and narrated the account in the MS G.B.f.18a based upon his father's memory.

Retracing some of the core facts about Heinrich Beringer, we are able to uncover a citation of Henry Beringer at the University of Rostock, added to the register in 1419-1420 (see Figure 2).


Figure 2 - “Henricus Beringher” mentioned in the Matrikelbuch, nr. 68 of the Wintersemester 1419/1420 - as well as transcribed in Hofmeister, Adolph (1891, 2): Die Matrikel der Universität Rostock I. (Mich. 1419 - Mich. 1499) Rostock.

In the following semester, we discover that a “Johannes Liechtenowe” matriculates on the same course at Rostock. It may be possible that Heinrich Beringer and Johannes Liechtenauer knew eachother and perhaps may have discussed a shared interest in fencing. This hypothesis is offered greater weight in light of the discovery of Liechtenauer’s name not only alongside Beringer’s in the Rostock Matrikelbuch (see Figure 3), but later, we may discover the name “Lichtenouwe” also appearing in a high position in the Pomeranian church, the domain of the Ratzeburg-Schwerin dioceses where Beringer was a Vicar.

 

Figure 3 - “Johanes Lichtenowe” mentioned in 1420 as having studied at Rostock University, 26th April - and also transcribed by Hofmeister (1891, 3) 

 

It may be plausible that Liechtenauer may have used the schedule recited by Beringer (and recorded in the MS GBf18a, 4 years prior to their potential meeting) to compile his Kunst des Langen Schwert. This hypothesis appears to bring the dating of the hausbuch into some doubt, and it may be possible that the fechtbuch in the HS. 3227a may have been written in or after 142013. Moreover, a qualitative analysis of the Beringer verse with that of the Hs.3227a demonstrates the closest relationship in comparison to other accounts (besides Folz).

The investigation deepens still, whilst in the Urkundenbuch der Stadt Lubeck Vol. 2, we discover the name “Johannes Liechtenawer” as a notary in 1424, and 143414. Moreover, in a Polish record (Archiwum Komisyi Historycznej, 1902, 111, 115) of Pope Urban V (Pope between 1362-1370), we find two mentions of a 'Johanni de Lichtenowe', as a Cleric of the Wladislav (Wloclawek county) diocese in Poland.

This might indeed be interesting given that a number of associates of Liechtenauer are known to bear surnames designating places found in modern-day Poland (Peter von Gdansk, Martin Hundsfeld, Andres and Jacob Liegnitzer, Virgil von Krakow etc). These records still support the testimony of Kal that Liechtenauer was dead by 1470.

Stemmatology

I have already identified a close resemblance to the record of the verse made by Hans Folz. Further statistical analysis of the verse reveals that fragment verse in Beringer represents 30.41% of the known zettel.

That 30% is shared with the similar verse of Folz, of which 78.85% is shared between the two. Beringer has 10 couplets which may be traced back to the core zettel which do not appear in Folz, whilst Folz evidences 4 couplets which may be traced back to the zettel which are absent from Beringer. This suggests that they may originate from a shared (oral?) but more extensive account.

Based purely upon qualitative analysis of the surviving zettel found in Beringer (i.e. by assessing the zettel on a couplet-by-couplet basis), we may state that it has a 42% similarity with HS3227a, meaning that of the couplets shared by the Zettel, 21 of them were precisely the same wordings as those found in Beringer. Similarly, we find that Beringer shares a 33% similarity with Talhoffer, but only a 31% similarity with the wording's found in Cod.44.a.8, which suggests a stronger relationship with Hs3227a and Talhoffer than the Stemma more closely resembling the Pseudo-von Danzig account.

Here is the line-by-line assessment:

 

Zettel Ref.

Account
Ref.

Beringois Account

Relationship match

Notes

1

1

1

Jung ritter lere god lieb haben frauwen io ere

3227a. & von Danzig. (& Ringeck)

Here we see the presence of “io ere”, whereas Talhoffer records “Jo frawen”, and Lew does not include it.

2

2

2

          / vbe ritter sschaff vnde lere

3227a. & Talhoffer

Beringois only includes a single line of the couplet, and therefore lacks the full rhyming pair. Principally upon what is present, we see correlation with

3

3

3

ding das dich ziret und in krigen sere hoffiret

3227a. & Lew

Both Beringois and Lew retain the use of “Ding” instead of “Kunst”, as well as the pattern “ser hofieret” instead of “zu eren hoffiert” (Danzig, Talhoffer, Ringeck).

4

4

4

Glebingen . sper / Swert und messer

All

Beringois omit the first part of the couplet, but the existing part is a unanimous match.

5

5

5

Menliche bederfen und das in andirn handen vorderben

All except Talhoffer

Beringer is the only one to include the word “das”

6

21

32

wer nach god hauwen der sich kunst kleyne vreuwen

3227a

Only 3227a corroborates the use of “kleyne” instead of “wenig”

7

22

33

haw und was du wilt kein wesßeler kom an den schilt

3227a

Only 3227a and Beringer exclude “nahent”

8

26

23

Hore waz da secht yst ficht nicht lingkz ab du recht bist

Lew

Both Beringer & Lew exclude “oben”

9

27

24

und lingkest in dem rechtn ouch here hingkest

Inconclusive

 

10

29

20

In deß vor und nach die swei ding sind aller dīge on erspring

Folz

Folz and Beringer share the use of Indes as the first word.

11

32

19

Erschrigkestu gern kain fechtn saltu nym° ge lerne

All

Beringer includes the words “saltu”.

12

38

6

zorn hawe krump twer had schiler mid schitiler

All

 

13

42

7

wer obir dich hawed zorn hawe ort deme drawed

All except 3227a

 

14

43

8

wyrt ers ge war nyms oben abe ane var

All

 

15

44

9

Biß sterker wedder wint stich sicht ers nyms nider

All

 

16

46

21

In des vor und nach an höite dem krige sy nicht mach

 

Beringer uses the term “mach” instead of “gach”. Talhoffer uses “zu gahen”. Danzig, Ringeck and Lew use “dein”, instead of “dem”

17

47

22

weß der krieg romet oben ūnden werd er beschemet

 

Beringer is unique in his use of the term “unden” instead of “nyden”.

18

48

43

In allen winden heuwe stiche snyte lerne vinden

All

 

19

59

 

vir bloße wiße So slestu ge wisse

All

 

20

60

42

one alle var an twivel roye her gebar

 

Beringer uses “Roye” instead of “wie”

21

61

53

wiltu dich rechen vier bloße konstlichen brechen

All

 

23

62

54

Oben duplire dar ūden recht mutire

Lew

 

24

63

25

Ich sage vor war keyn mā schutz sich ane var

All except Ringeck

Ringeck adds “recht”

25

64

26

hastuß vornomen czu slage mag er kleine komen

All except 3227a & Danzig

Both Danzig & 3227a specify “deinen”.

26

65

12

krump uf behende wyrf den ord of dye hende

All

 

27

66

13

krump wer wol setzt med schretn vel hauwe letzt

-

Unique version to Beringer.

28

67

29

czu dem fleytin den meyst° wiltu an strechen

-

Unique version to Beringer.

29

68

51

kome iß glichtzet obene so stradet abe daz ger ich lobe

All

 

30

69

11

krump nicht kortz howe der wēchsel damede shauw

All

HS3227a has similar phonetic similarity.

31

70

14

krump wer dich irred der edel krieg dich vor wirret

-

Unique to Beringer.

32

71

15

Twere benymbt was von himel her abe kumet

-

Beringer diverges. More commonly associated with Krump

33

72

16

Twere czu dem orte nym den hals ane fortte

-

Unique to Beringer.

34

80

30

hauw czuden phlugz czu den ochsen hartte.

-

Unique to Beringer.

35

87

50

Czwifach furbaß drid dyn hnd und biß nicht laß

3227a

3227a & Beringer share “in demo ben”, but Beringer omits “hend”, as does Talhoffer. The omission weighs less than the direct correlation of text.

36

91

17

Schil in dem obn° iß daz du wylt be dobern

-

Beringer muddles the couplets into a single line.

37

98

18

Der scheyteler myt sinen kere deme ātlitze ist gar gewere

All

Ringeck & Lew omit the word “auch”.

38

99

34

wer sind vōsztin die dye legere ouch sere letzin

Ringeck, Lew

These accounts omit “auch”

39

100

38

vorsetzens hut dich geschicht daz sere mu°t dich

All

 

40

101

36

Ist daz du vor satzt dich wy her da her komē yst

3227a & Talhoffer

3227a, Talhoffer & Beringer evidence “streich” others have “reis”.

41

102

39

Hore waß ich rate strigh abe snel hauwe midde drate

Lew

All other accounts include “lere”, or “kere” (3227a).

42

105

35

Setzt an vir enden blyb dar uf wiltu enden

-

Unique to Beringer

43

109

40

Nach reysen lere trid vorbaß und snid in dy were

All

 

44

123

50

zcwifagh den alden snit

 

 

45

128

47

er be vint arbeyt die am trid wessellir

-

Unique to Beringer.

46

131

45

Czugke zcugket her

 

Only the first half of the couplet is recorded by Beringer. All others record the full couplet

47

146

27

llaß den ort hangen Be griff den knauf wiltu midde rangen

-

Unique to Beringer.

48

147

44

Czwei hengen nyder van beydn handē uf von der d erdin

-

Unique to Beringer, but similar to the other version only worded differently. It implies the Hangen originate from both hands, not one hand (as recorded elsewhere).

49

148

41

Das saltu oben merkē ab dye leyger snit weych oder herte

All

Unique to Beringer. A much longer version, but related.

50

149

28

sprech fenstir mach stand konlich sich syne sach

-

Beringer is unique in it’s use of ‘Konlich’ rather than ‘frölich’.

51

45

10

Wer sich vor dir zhucht abe hauw snel daz daz er snabe hauw

-

Unique to Beringer

52

-

48

Czuck de sind oben uß obirhaybt so geyt der krieg uß

-

Unique version to Beringer.

53

-

49

midde mach .ffellir wer de sint von under nach

-

Unique version to Beringer.

Densities Density Graph Relationships Graph
  1. Shiller Mittelniederdeutsches Wörterbuch 1876, pp.119-120

  2. The word “Ere” may be aligned with the modern German “Ehre” meaning “honour”. I have aimed to use a translation which rhymes, but have also suggested the term stemming from the Latin term for honour: dignitas. Dignity and Honour in this context are therefore captured as synonyms. Bailey (1675), seems to agree “Dignity (dignité, F. of Dignitas, L) Honour, Reputation, Advancement;”
  3. Aristotle’s Res (material, or “thing”). HS3227a, Wolfenbüttel record “Matter” (Dingen), whereas Talhoffer (1443), Rome (1452), Ringeck Dresden (1504) record “Art” (Kunst), Aristotle’s Ars.Wachter (169-170) suggests “Dinghen” means “to contend” (contendere), whilst “to ding” is to “give a great blow”.

  4. I offer “Lance” in accordance with the aforementioned dialect (Schiller & Lübben (1875, 119) Mittelniederdeutsches Wörterbuch. (1863, 136) Urkunderbuch des Historischen Vereins für Niedersachsen, Volumes 6-8. von der Hagen, FH (1843, 62) Germania, Volumes 5-6;). Kleinau suggests “Glaive, wrestling, spear,” (Glev[]ringen . sper)

  5. Kleinau offers “Wrath-Strike, Crook-Strike, Cross-Strike has Slant-Strike with Parting-Strike” although the use of the term “strike” is a modern extrapolation which does not appear in the source. I have offered a pseudo- sentence in a bid to suggest that the couplet means something different to the uninitiated; whereas the initiated would understand the keywords as names for strikes.

  6. I believe the wording here lends a clue to the meanings, by referencing the double-meaning of “Cross” as crucifix, the scribe suggests that Christ welcomes that which comes from God, a reference inevitably to the trial by combat as a Judgement of God.

  7. Many thanks to Nils Joern for corroborating this fact.

  8. Balck, K W August (1883): Meklenburger auf auswärtigen Universitäten bis zur Mitte des 17ten Jahrhunderts, in: Verein für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde: Jahrbücher des Vereins für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde. - Bd. 48 (1883), S. 54-88, 339-341

  9. Anno domini 1413 in die beatorum apostolorum Philippi et Jacobi electus est in rectorem alme universitatis studii Erffordensis Cristianus Vorntzin de Molhusen, magister in Artibus in et jure civili licentiatus; sub quo intitulati sunt infrascripti

  10. Westfälische Zeitschrift - Register zu Band 86 – 114 (112, 327)

  11. Repertorium Germanicum (1916, Vol. 7, p. 96)

  12. The HS 3227a was dated to “around 1389” (um 1389) by Lotte Kurras. This date is often open to speculation, whilst Leng & Ehlert (2003, 292) suggest that the calendar components used to date the fechtlehre may well predate the addition of the fight sections which were added in subsequent years (last entry around 1420).

  13. 1424.
    Des Dom-Capitals zu Lubeck Diploma Incorporationis einige Praebende, Vicariate und Parochien zu Unterhaltung der Bischofflichen Tafel, de Anno 1424.

    On 20th June 1434,

    Or. Perg. (deutsch), Kopie des kais. Not. Johannes Rotenkircherde Basilea maiori incola Nouifori ac iuratus notarius iurisdiccionis Enngne aus der kanzellierten Imbreviatur des Not. Johannes Liechtenawer, im Auftrage des Cunradus Zändl iudex Engne,bei dem Jacobus aput Plateam de Trodena als procurator der comunitas Trodena die Erlaubnis zur Exemplierung unterm 18. August 1489 erlangt hat, nachdem er eidlich versichert hatte, daß das von Notar Joh. Nypolt aus der Imbreviatur Liechtenauers ausgestellte Exemplar verloren gegangen sei, und unter der Verpflichtung, daß dieses Exemplar falls es wieder gefunden werden sollte, dem Notar Johannes als iuratus iurisdicionis Engne bezw. seinem Nachfolger zurückzustellen sei.(1928, 159; Huter, 159)

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Chivalry